Languages in
and around Afghanistan
Resources on
Language Policy Group
Notes for 12-13
December 2003
University of
Pennsylvania
Pedagogical Materials
Project
South
Asia Language
Resource
Center
December 12-14,
2003
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Day 1: Friday, 12 December 2003
Sabohat Khalilova, University of
South Dakota,
“Language Policy in
Uzbekistan and Uzbek
Language Teaching Materials”
Before
independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, Russian was
used for most education. After
1991, much was attempted to make
Uzbek the National language, but not much really happened. Relations were
developed with
Turkey, and the
question arose as to whether Uzbek should abandon the Cyrillic alphabet and
change over to Latin or Turkic alphabet? Relations did change in 1994-1995,
resulting in conversion to Latin alphabet (tentative completion scheduled for
2004) As for teaching materials for Uzbek, there are problems with existing
materials. Materials available in
Russian, not Uzbek, and there are
in Russian, not Uzbek. As for pedagogy, especially teaching Uzbek to
English speakers, Russian materials are grammar based; Uzbek-English
dictionaries are not very good, and existing materials are really only good for
native speakers.
As
for the study of foreign languages in
Uzbekistan,
Russian is now considered a foreign language, but the demand for learning
English is increasing. But there
are no good Uzbek manuals, and one must learn Russian to access materials to
learn English.
In
the Question and Answer discussion, it was revealed that the Peace Corps
beginning to teach Uzbek, since only teaching Russian had been problematic.
Uzbek and Russian Peace Corps manuals are in fact quite good. Secondly, the motivations for
adopting Turkic script were political.
The schools are funded by Turkey, students think Turkish teachers know
more than Uzbek teachers, and this is all done at boarding schools, which are
all very rigorous (corporal punishment is normal), but successful. Some people fear that the training is
promoting extremist (Islamist) attitudes. As for the status of of Tajik and other minority languages in
Uzbekistan,
Uzbekistan has
two Tajik schools that include Uzbek but also teach Tajik._files/image001.gif)
Dr. Lutz Rzehak, Bamberg University (Germany), Dept. for Iranian
Studies
“Balochi in Afghanistan and Language Planning for the so-called
National Languages in the 1980’s”
Dr.
Rzehak began with an introduction to multilingualism,
linguistic contact and language planning in the 1980’s. There were at that time 100,000 Baloch speakers in
Afghanistan, 70%
near Iran, this
has probably changed. He then discussed the nature of Balochi dialects, noting that approximately 30 languages are
spoken in
Afghanistan. The
genetic classifications were discussed, with an illustration from ‘Abdurrahmān Balōč’ (ca. 1983)
which indicates 26 languages spoken. Dr. Rzehak argues
all languages in Afghnistan have been in close contact
for a long time, and many similar vocabularies exist, especially in politics,
philosophy, technical professions and etc.
A
common Afghan vocabulary exists for everyday topics: only found to a small
extent.
Border
field—there is commonality in
etiquette, religion, but only because there is little outside contact. In
the area of communication, modern mass media, education, migrations and
non-traditional professions are widely dominated by common vocabulary.
Similarities (despite varying genetic origin of languages) exist between Balochi and other languages, copying Persian patterns since
Persian has been held in high regard for a long time. However, there is little
Pashto influence, but this is changing due to business (drug market).
Balochi as a written language. Pre-1978, there was no written Balochi, Dari was the official language. After the 1978
revolution, the Soviets
restructured ethnic identity that had been outlawed from 1973-1978. In the 1980’s Russians
influence language education and policy. After 1992, there is a return to the
status of an almost unwritten language.
As for development of an alphabet for Balochi,
this is similar to other Afghan languages—a national alphabet exists , but not
other foreign dialects of Balochi
In
writing, the alphabet is also different because of limits on availability of
symbols available in pre-computer printing facilities. And, the more political a
publication, the stronger the Dari influence (examples from Weekly Sōb given).
In
the question and answer discussion, the question of bilingualism with Brahui (Dravidian) was raised. Often it is the case
with Balochi that
Brahui spoken at home, but Balochi is spoken publicly. Alphabet that was developed in the
1970’s is of course based on Arabic
alphabet. Bit noone knows it anymore except the person
who created it. Some people think it should not be written at all, and there are
problems that exist due to pedagogical difficulties (it was meant to be taught
in school).
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Dr. Birgit Schlyter, Stockholm, Dept. of Oriental
Studies,
“Changing Language
Loyalties in Uzbekistan”
In
her introduction, Dr. Schlyter discussed the
development of ethnic state languages in former Soviet republics. It is clear now that Islam is regaining
presence after the end of Soviet influence, and a kind of return of speakers to
Uzbek (from Russian), which had been used more.
As
for Russian in
Uzbekistan, the
usage of Russian may have been overestimated. Post-Soviet reforms and language
status laws were discussed, pointing out that in 1990, Russian held a strong position as a cross
cultural language; it was becoming
a state language, but not everyone
needs to know it now. Since the
1993, 1995 script laws,
Russian and Cyrillic are no longer mandated. A transition to Latin
alphabet is envisioned by September 2005 (see handout). Some Russian
words likely to be retained (examples:
English is now alsobutetc/
КОМПЬЮТЕР magazine/ҖУРНАЛ,
and computer exerting an influence.
As for Minority Languages, they are largely ignored in policies. The Koreans are supported by
South Korea, the
Arabs: (around city of Denau) are to some extent holding
onto Arab identity—they speak ‘Arabic’-an Arab/Tajik language (with strong Tajik
influence). There is a large Tajik
region, with a large amount of bilingualism. Tajik students often learn Uzbek
at University level, but it is different from the Uzbek learned at home.
Karakalpakstan (NW Uzbekistan) is a territory that occupies
one-third of the geographical area of
Uzbekistan. It is essentially independent within
Uzbekistan.
Karakalpaks compose 1/3 of population in independent
republic and 2% elsewhere. Originally they were herders on east coast of Aral
Sea, met tsarist
Russia in
mid-18th century. There
language is closer to Kazakh than Uzbek, with a possible origin in the Siberian
migrations in beginning of last millennium. They benefited from not being
assimilated into
Kazakhstan
(language, culture and etc.) Now
they are becoming more dependant on Uzbek central government; the use of a Latin
alphabet was discussed (handout)
In
the question and answer discussions, there was a question about the status of
Russian, and whether the Russian
language is available as a school subject.
Dr. Schlyter feels that Russian will have a
strong influence for a long time.
Study of it is no longer obligatory, and an option between English and
Russian now exists. But it is still
spoken in business, though Uzbek is supposed to be used since 1989. As for the Arab community (which has
probably been in the area since 7th century via
Afghanistan),
there are some enclaves of Arabic, but young people are losing their Arabic
identity. According to Ethnologue,
there is Uzbek-spoken and
Tajik-spoken Arabic.
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Jan Mohammad,
University of Arizona,
“Official Policy of Afghan
Governments (Past and Present) Regarding the Languages Spoken by
Afghans”
In his introduction, he
indicated that Dari and Pashto are the
official languages of
Afghanistan, but
that Pashto was introduced as
an official language in the 1900’s.
He then gave an account of the history of Dari and Pashto as official
languages in the early-mid 20th century. In
1933, under the last king (who was then aged 17-18), his uncle devised
language policies, and Pashto was
made the only official language in 1937.
But there
were problems—there were few
teachers, little teaching material. In 1945, Dari was restored as the official
language, with a new language policy:
(1) Education is
provided in Dari or Pashto depending upon
percentage of native speakers in an area
(2) In 50/50 areas,
equal education provided.
In 1964,
a new constitution makes Pashto and
Dari the official languages; but only
Pashto is made the national language.
Then in the late 1960s, there is outside influence and interest, and the
study of Dari and Pashto began with the study of
Afghanistan.
Soviet influence begins in the late 1970’s and continues into the early
1990’s. Along with
other policies, Soviet language policy was adopted, and all major languages became official
languages. Pashto and Dari
were official languages of government, a
Kabul language academy was
created, but there were financial and personnel problems.
Most
language policies were ineffectual during civil war, the Government only
controlled ~25% of the country. In
1992, the post Soviet period,
rebels control the country, and it is realigned linguistically. The national anthem changes from Pashto
to Dari. The Taliban uses Pashto
exclusively, especially in government.
Now with the new Government (post Taliban) and constitutions, Dari and
Pashto are official languages, other languages are considered major languages,
elementary education is to be taught in native languages, and in the government
and university, Dari predominates.
As for the mass media, previously, the media broadcast in Pashto and Dari equally,
and minority languages had some time allotted. Currently, Dari is allotted 70% of the
time, and Pashto 30%, and others are limited in broadcast time. As for
television, it is limited to Kabul,
most of country depends upon radio.
In this
session questions were asked throughout, and molded the discussion itself. However, the exclusive use of Pashto in
certain areas (especially in the southern villages) was discussed.
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Day 2: Saturday, 13 December 2003
Dr. William Beeman, Brown University,
“Varieties in Flux: The
State of Language policy in
Tajikistan and Uzbekistan.”
Introduction: Modern Persian appeared in the
9th-10th centuries in Samarkand, and the Samonid empire was seen as the pinnacle of the Persian
language. They were patrons of great artworks, and the capital was not in
current
Tajikistan. The spread of the Persian language
diversified as it spread, but is remarkably recognizable by current speakers,
i.e. it has not changed radically. Persian classical poetry is commonly
memorized throughout its sphere of influence. The basic language has been
standardized. In
Afghanistan,
it is called Dari (from Dar, the
language of the court). In
Tajikistan
it is called Tajik (people who are
settled, not nomads)
Comments on
Persian languages: Tajik, Dari, and etc. are a complex of similar languages-
easy to learn; Aesthetics made it a root for poetry; vocabulary is huge, with
Arabic origins in many cases.
Standard Persian, despite local constructions, most speakers understand
standard Persian (not unlike Koranic Arabic, but much more commonly spoken) Formal speech, for example, as
used at weddings, for many is often standard Persian.
In
Tajikistan,
Tajik and others, 80% Tajik
speaking. Yagnogni
speakers are concentrated in NW panhandle; region north of capital has a
concentration of ~2000 (largest concentration) Yagnogni and other minority (low 1000’s
speakers) languages’ names refer to geographical regions (Wakhi, Shuchni, and Yazgui Yam) Tajik is spoken in areas of influence by
minority language speakers. The Tajik alphabet has both old and new
alphabets; Cyrillic is also used
(ex: ДУСТ)
In
Afghanistan:
Tajikistan was a
point of entry for foreigners in all recent conflicts. As far as its language policy, Tajiks are not threatened by minority languages and do not
dissuade their teaching. An English-Tajik-Russian dictionary available, but is
hard to find. It is recommended
that one buy Tajik language books where available. Books are now being printed,
but paper is too expensive.
There would be an explosion of material if resources were available. There are many well-trained scholars,
but they are aging.
Uzbekistan
and Uzbek-Tajik relations were fractured under Stalinist regime. It is impossible to count the number of
Tajik speakers in
Uzbekistan (5%
according to Uzbek government), possibly up to 50% but no one knows, or wants to
do a census
Uzbek-Tajik
relations are ‘nervous relations’.
There are no international flights, busses; rail and automobile travel is
limited, and the most practical access near
Dushanbe is a long and arduous
journey. Smuggling of people is possible. There has been a change in relations since the
Soviet-era; travel was once frequent. Uzbeks fear that the presence of Tajiks will prompt an Islamic revolution. There is also the issue of Uzbek claiming ownership of Tajik words,
which are bi-cultural in origin (Turkic/Persian). Uzbek policies such as
the closing of Tajik schools,
is criticized on this basis. A
knowledge ofTajik is still desired by many. Elimination of formal Tajik is
creating problems of bridging gaps between people who speak ‘street’ Tajik and
those who are formally educated.
The
Uzbek alphabet: they are now
switching from the Cyrillic to a Romanized alphabet because the Cyrillic script is out of favor due to
distancing from
Russia. The Arab influence is being avoided. So the question remains, whether to
adopt Latin or Cyrillic: Tajik culture wanted, but not Islamic influences. Cyrillic was chosen though Russian is no
longer in favor. The problem now is
that little material is available in Tajik (Ministry of Education is
bankrupt). Avoiding Arabized script (due to fear of Islamic influences) bars
access to printing and to Persian
texts printed in
Iran.
In
the question and answer period, the variations in Tajik discussed; dialects vary a lot, and younger native
speakers complain about level of understanding.
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Dr. William Fierman, Indiana University,
“Language Policy in
Kazakhstan: Challenges of Formulation and
Implementation.”
Introduction:
The demographics of
Kazakhstan are
such that Kazakhs numbered 20% of
population in 1962, 40% in 1982 and 50-60% in 2003. There has been a tremendous loss of
Kazakh language—the cities are heavily Russian-speaking, both in ethnicity and
language, except Qyzylorda. A Kazakh language law was passed in 1989. Kazakh was made the national language
(the law did not anticipate end of
USSR). This is an example of a confused policy: Russian:
law of languages (pl.), while Kazakh
is the law of language
(sing.). After
Independence, there was a 1995 constitution, and in 1997 a new
language law, where Kazakh is
the only state language. The
question now is, what to do with
Russian? Answer: it can be officially
used, but Kazakh is official.
The
present problem is whether to have a
unified civic country or a national Kazakh state. Nationalistic attitudes may alienate
Russian populations in the north; rural Kazakhs want Russian speaking ‘asphalt’
Kazakhs out of political power. In
1989, 80-90% of the population spoke Russian, and ca. 30% spoke Kazakh.
The
resulting problems of implementation of a national language was discussed in the
following terms: In education, in
1987, perhaps 1/3 of Kazakh children (more in cities) study Russian, but by
1992-93, only 20% do. There has been an increase in teaching of Kazakh, but
quality is poor. There is poor
allocation of teachers and texts.
Vocabulary changes are not in older texts. University level changes in vocabulary
are not standardized, prompting
professionals to use other languages than Kazakh. Because of migrations, poorly educated,
rural Kazakhs are moving into the cities.
The Russians and Germans (formerly 6% of population) are leaving the
country.
Media: Now, at least 50% of media
broadcasts must now be in Kazakh.
The commercialization with respect to Russian programming is increasing,
so the solution is that much Kazakh
broadcasting is done at night. In
the government and and among the intelligencia, the
use of mandatory Kazakh often used only for introduction of
presentations, after which the body of the presentation reverts to Russian as a
‘courtesy’ to Russian speakers. As
far as getting rid of the Russian
influences on the Kazakh language, proposals have been made to change Russian
place and personal names. Some
examples of dropping of the Russian influence are that the former capital, which
was Alma-a-ata (from Latin), is now Almaty. The
current capital is Akmola (Kazakh: white grave)
changed to Tselinograd, then to Akmola and finally to Astana (Kazakh: capital).
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Dr. Robert Nichols,
Richard Stockton College,
“Pashto: education policy
and practice in the NWFP.”
Pashtu language policy may be discussed spatially
(Afghanistan, Pakistan’s NWFP, Swat State, 1926-69) and temporally
(Afghanistan in
the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the British colonial period in the NWFP,
the NWFP after
Pakistan’s
independence in 1947. Wider discussion is found in Tariq Rahman’s book, Language
and Politics in Pakistan, OUP, 1996. Persian was widely used as the language
of the ruling elite and administration in much of Central
Asia and South Asia during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. Under the Mughal emperor Akbar (ruled 1556-1605) Persian served as the language of
literature and record from Kabul to
Bengal. Yet in the NWFP Raverty
notes (1860) that by the end of the sixteenth century competitive religious
polemics were being composed in the Pashtu language,
including Bayazid Ansari’s
Khair ul Bayan and Akhund Darweza’s Makhzan. Raverty also notes that, if Persian was an official language
of correspondence, “in the dwelling of the Amir, Dost
Muhammad Khan, at the present day, Pushto is always
spoken” (Raverty, Dictionary, 1860, p.
xix).
The
British acquired the NWFP districts in 1849 and strategically replaced Persian
with Urdu for administrative purposes, but also intentionally to integrate the
districts into a British colonial sphere. In both
Afghanistan and
the NWFP the politically powerful neglected the Pashtu
language to cultivate “languages of command” and culture. Only a few British
officers were encouraged, or attempted, to study Pashtu to directly command Pashtun
troops. By the early twentieth century the British, and Pashtun nationalists, saw advocacy of the Pashtu language as an identity marker that threatened
colonial hierarchies and hinted at ties with
Afghanistan. By
the 1920s, in contrast to Raverty’s comment, the NWFP
Pakhtun nationalist Abdul Gaffar Khan wrote that he scolded the Afghan king Amanullah Khan for not knowing Pashtu (Rahman, Language and
Politics, p. 134). Uniquely, in the semi-autonomous
Swat
State (1926-69) north of the
Peshawar valley, Pashtu was consciously made the language of administration
to facilitate popular interaction with the state.
Increasing
nation-state consciousness in twentieth century
Afghanistan,
especially in contrast to independent
Pakistan (1947)
lead to a new Afghan emphasis on Pashtu, and hints of
a claim to former British colonial areas composing a general “Pashtunistan”. In contrast, after 1947 the Pashtu language and Pakhtun
nationalists were suspected by Muslim League partisans who valued Pakistani
nationalism and the Urdu language.
Through
the latter half of the twentieth century, the use of Pashtu in education has been a complex issue. After 1947
Pashtu was typically an NWFP school subject of study,
but less often a medium of instruction. The 1998 NWFP census noted that perhaps
73.9% of the population spoke Pashtu. Yet historically
for reasons of national unity, partisan politics, and employment possibilities
the language of instruction in NWFP schools, especially elite schools, has often
been in Urdu or English. Only in 1984 was Pashtu
officially used as the medium of instruction for select schools for primary
grades 1-4 (Rahman, p. 149). The evolutions of recent
national language policy include the December 2003 announcement in
Pakistan that
English will be compulsory from class I. In Afghanistan Dari (Afghan Persian)
and Pashtu were named official languages in the 2003
Constitution, but also regional languages were to be acknowledged in their home
regions.
Many
in the general region now regard Pashtu as a failing
language, a language of low status and limited possibilities. Competition in
schools from national and transnational languages continues to push formal study
of Pashtu into the background. Religious madrasas in the NWFP typically teach Pashtun students, often using Arabic and Persian texts with
Pashtun used for discussion. Many madrasas in the
Peshawar valley and
Pakistan have
been led by political activists who in previous years educated many of the
Taliban leadership of
Afghanistan and
now support the MMA alliance dominating NWFP provincial politics. This
continues, even as regular schools struggle to provide minimal instruction.
Increasingly, elite private schools and elite government schools (cadet
colleges) provide English medium educations for students with often
international ambitions.
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Dr. Jeffery Diamond,
Cornell University
“Historical perspectives
about Urdu in colonial Punjab and the NWFP.”
The
main administrative language of NWFP was Persian during Sikh rule; the Muhktub was
attended to learn Persian by all seeking government jobs. Panjabi was
spoken also, but not standardized (except in the east). Many Muslim poets wrote
in Panjabi, which was spoken around
Islamabad
(Kashmir as well).
In Panjabi, folklore was discussed as a way of
understanding Panjabi; but Panjabi was
never seen positively by the British, it was not for administration because it was seen as rude, crude and
not standardized.
The
first published dictionaries were for missionary efforts. The standardization of
Panjabi was based on Sikh usage and dictionary (area
with missionaries). Otherwise, it
was seen as a dialect of Urdu, and its
textual tradition was not seen as important.
Moreover,
Sikh rule was considered on the decline and therefore Panjabi was not important. As for Urdu (a.k.a. Hindustani) in 1881, 3% of population speaks Urdu. Urdu was
seen as more appropriate than Panjabi, but it was of
course heavily Persianized. Urdu was again seen as
important with the decline of Sikh rule.
In
the question and answer discussion,
the work of David Lelyveld
(William
Patterson
University) was recommended for
further background. Between the
conflict of Persian and Panjabi, Urdu emerged as theLingua Franca of Northern India. John Platts,
editor of the Urdu Dictionary (considered best available), which was designed
for colonial officials specifically. Panjabi was seen
as the language of passion and the gutter.
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Dr. Alice Davidson,
University of Iowa,
“UNESCO
Pakistan program on Library Resources in
Kabul University.”
Introduction:
Because of the destruction of the Kabul University Library, it is now an issue
to restock, and book donations are being sought. The
University of
Texas and others have sent
books. Sending books via UNECO has
proven successful (so much so that librarians are having problems cataloguing).
The alternatives, and the subject itself were discussed (as well as shipping
costs: use slow US Post Office bulk mail). There is also the issue of
Schools/Libraries/Books for a civil society, and whether trying to balance food or books is a viable
alternative. Problems between
the real vs. ideal situation.
Dr.
Davidson recommends sending all books for the university to:
Mr.
Sadiq Waddid
Chief
Librarian
c/o
Mr. Martin Hadlow
UNESCO
Islamabad
PO Box
2034
44000
Islamabad
PAKISTAN
Boxes
should be well sealed with a packing list and letter explaining specifically the
purpose of the contents, that they are not for resale and the final destination:
Muhammad Sadiq Waddid,
Librarian, Kabul
University,
Kabul,
Afghanistan. These letters
should be packed in an envelope attached to the outside of the box.
Requested
Books: Literature, History, Technology, Science, Medicine, Languages,
Media/Journalism, and Reference.
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Dr. Pardis Minuchehr,
University of Pennsylvania,
“Globalizing Persian:
Iranian Media and language policy.”
Introduction:
Iranian language policy is state policy.
The first Farhangestan (mid 1970’s), to
‘purify’ the Persian language had the problem of finding Persian names to
supplant 1000 year old Arabic names.
In the 1960’s there was an attempt to replace more foreign words, though
not very effective. At the Third
Supreme Council of the Iranian Revolution, 1991, it was emphasized that a
cultural revolution standardizes curriculum of all fields of study. A third Farhangestan
was supported by the Council. They studied Persian grammar and
orthography, studied other languages and dialects, media, manuscripts, and so
forth. Two Tajiks were included in this.
Iranians’
four television channels and radio programming were mentioned. Programming is
also broadcast in Dari (from ½ hour before 11 September 2001, to 11 hours
recently).
The problem with new words is that
70% of Iranians are under 30 years old, so neologisms and creation of new
words is frequent. Outside influences: the Voice of America (American radio
broadcast) exists in Persian and English; Iranian expatriates have satellite
stations in Los Angeles, and
programming is not supported by national government. The effect on language was mentioned,
and there is not much help from expatriates except in Los
Angeles.
Also in Persian there are broadcasts by BBC, the Deutsche Welle, Radio France, and Radio Liberty. Iqbal, the
Academy of
Persian in
Lahore,
Pakistan is also an
influence, and there are internet influences. There are no statistics, but internet
cafes are popular, many Iranians have web pages (including government
officials), and this is an anonymous,
popular place for dissent, and dating.
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Conclusion of the Resources
on Language Policy Group
Facilitated by Dr. Harold
Schiffman, University of Pennsylvania
In
the final wrap-up session, the major question was what to do next?
The
following points were enumerated:
- Recommend
that a more inclusive program be organized that included Russian scholars and
other ex-Soviet researchers.
(1) Include
organizations of significance to this topic
(2) Treatment of
minority languages to be discussed
- Themes
discussed under this point:
(a) Creating technical
lexicons to prevent switches to English
(b) Executive summary
of what is going on in these linguistic areas
(c) Publication
compiled from conference and place in a comprehensive form
on
the internet
(d) Argument for several smaller
papers, rather than longer ones because of the tenurous nature of many facts discussed (since the statement
of fact can be a
statement
of position)
- Presenters
and others asked to contribute summaries of 1-3 pages each. This will be
linked by Dr. Harold Schiffman.
- 3
page summaries are requested of all presenters
- Will
be put on the SALRC website
- Possible
future publication of some or all papers